Negative quantifiers in Hungarian
Katalin É. Kiss · Approaches to Hungarian · 2009
This paper derives the properties of Hungarian se -pronouns from independently motivated assumptions, among them an adjunction theory of Q-raising allowing both left- and right-adjunction. Se -pronouns are identified as negative polarity quantifiers not conveying any negation, licensed by the negative particle. Based on results of Surányi (2006a,b), se -pronouns interpreted universally are analyzed as universal quantifiers, whereas se -pronouns interpreted existentially are analyzed as Heimian indefinites bound by existential closure. Universal and existential se -pronouns have different word order possibilities. The former, targeted by Q-raising, are left- or right-adjoined to NegP (either to the NegP dominating PredP, or to the NegP dominating FocP). Right-adjoined quantifiers participate in the free PF-linearization of postverbal constituents. Existential se -pronouns can be left in situ in the verb phrase, or can be focus-moved into Spec,FocP. The scope interpretation of se -pronouns is determined by the Scope Principle. The particle sem is analyzed as a negative polarity item, a minimizer to be preceded by nem , or to be fused with it.